AMADEO BORDIGA PDF

Amadeo Bordiga Party and Class. First Published: “Partito e classe”, Rassegna Comunista, no 2, April 15, ; Source. A article by Amadeo Bordiga on the role which Germany played in the two world wars and which the author expected it to play in a future communist. Amadeo Bordiga was an Italian Marxist, a contributor to Communist theory, the founder of the Communist Party of Italy, a leader of the Communist Internat.

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The communist International defined them as employers’ offensives with a tendency to lower the standard of living of the working classes economically, and politically as initiatives aiming at the suppression of democratic liberalism, which it presented, in a turn of phrase doubtful to Gordiga, as being a favourable milieu for a proletarian offensive, whereas communism has always considered it as the worst possible atmosphere of revolutionary corruption on the political level.

Crises are inseparable from capitalism which will not however cease to grow and to expand so long as the revolutionary forces will not deal it the final blow. Leader of the Communist Party of Italy — In particular, he emphasized how amadso of the national agrarian amaeo came from small privately owned plots writing in and predicted the rates at which the Soviet Union would start importing wheat after Russia had been such a large exporter from the s to Bordigw — not on my own behalf, but on behalf of the still-organised militants, young and old, who have remained faithful to the theoretical and tactical traditions of the Italian and international communist Left — I can state that our response to the issue of the Arditi del Popolo was perfectly consistent with the historical line we always followed.

It is not the addition or subtraction of the small minority of bourgeois voters that will alter the relationship. Today the bourgeoisie itself shows a sympathy and an inclination, which are by no means illogical, towards the unionisation of the working class.

The fact that these reactions came with a big delay prevented the proletariat from making full use of the turning point and crisis of and of setting up the struggle against war and for the destruction of the bourgeois State.

I took issue with the view held by Gramscians that a bloc of anti-fascists of all hues — either after the fall of Fascism or as a result of an internal crisis, as it was later the case, or due to the international consequences of the war — could have created a government based on a democratic constitution to regain control of our vanquished and no longer governed country. The alternatives of the clashing class forces are instead connected to the events of the general historical struggle, to the contrast that already existed when bourgeoisie begun its rule on the feudal and precapitalistic classes, and to the evolutive political process of the two historical rival classes, bourgeoisie and proletariat; being such a process marked by victories and defeats, by errors of tactical and strategical method.

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After this date, the proletariat can no longer choose between contending parties or national armies in so far as any restoration of pre-bourgeois forms has become socially impossible in two big areas: He rejected a pedagogical approach to political work and developed a “theory of the Party”, whereby the organization was meant to display non-immediate goals as a rally of similarly minded people and not a necessary body of the working class.

Since its birth, capitalism has had an irregular historical development, with alternating periods of crisis and intense economic expansion.

Later, in the official communist press and after the well-known expulsion of the three Italian dissenters Leonetti, Tresso and Ravazzolicame the admission that the tactic had been advocated ahead of borduga by left Italian communists. This can only be the exception. If we disregard Bakouninism during the first, International and Sorelism during the second, as they have nothing to do with Marxism, the social-democratic revisionism amwdeo the first opportunist wave within the proletarian Marxist movement.

What prevented the launching of a revolutionary offensive? The main reason for this choice is that the latter would have required a supreme hierarchical body, to which the parties would have owed their allegiance.

Amadeo Bordiga.

Following the October RevolutionBordiga rallied to bordiha communist movement and formed the communist abstentionist faction within the PSI, abstentionist in gordiga it opposed participation in bourgeois elections, the group would form, with the addition of the former L’Ordine Nuovo grouping in Turin around Antonio Gramscithe backbone of the Communist Party of Italy PCd’I, Partito Comunista d’Italia —founded at Livorno in January Amaveo spite of such recurrences, the capitalist mode of production expands and prevails in all countries, under its technical and social aspects, in a more or less continuous way.

Only by respecting this rule could a divergence of interests and objectives between the Russian State and the World revolution be avoided. It rejects all forms of closed organisations.

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These objections are linked to another form of critical and tactical reaction to the reformist degeneracy: This oversaw the armed squads established at all local and provincial federations of the party and of the youth movement. This contrast reveals itself in the opposing interests bofdiga the class struggle between the proletariat and the ruling bourgeoisie.

Its only use was to collaborate openly with the German imperialist bloc, the opposite bloc having preferred to do without its help when Russia came over on its side. It also denounces pacifism as a weapon of the class enemy to disarm the proletariat and withhold them from revolutionary influence. No member of the Party, be he the most highly formed intellectually, has the liberty individually to make analyses, critics or perspectives: He thought that a revolution in Europe was possible, that it had been possible.

These theses take the definition of the relations between party and class as a starting point and establish that the class party can include in its ranks only a part of the class itself, never the whole nor even perhaps the majority of it.

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Against anti-fascism: Amadeo Bordiga’s last interview

Worse, only advanced groups and fractions accept the position of Lenin who, having defined the war as being a product of capitalism and not a conflict between the latter and less advanced politico-social forms, draws the conclusion that the “holy union” must be condemned and that the proletarian amaddeo should practise a defeatist revolutionary policy within each country against the belligerent State and army.

Why were you and the other communists belonging to the Imola faction so resolute in breaking off from the rest? It is neither internal democracy nor free elections which give the Party its nature of being the most conscious fraction of the proletariat and its function of revolutionary guide.